Prof. Uriya Shavit and Dr. Carl Yonker

The war crimes committed by Hamas on October 7, 2023, and the immediate wave of anti-Zionist activism they unleashed across the world, forced large and small Jewish communities to decide if and how to manifest their identity and their support for Israel. Gibraltar, where the relative number of Jews is larger than in any other country except for Israel, is an example.

On March 18, approximately 300 pro-Hamas Gibraltarians, some Arab in traditional attire, participated in a demonstration rally organized by the Gibraltar for Palestine group across Main Street, the commercial and political hub of the tiny British Overseas Territory. They waved Palestinian flags and called to “free Palestine” and for a ceasefire that would land the terror group a crucial victory in its long-term effort to destroy Israel.[1]

Demonstrations, let alone such that export far-away conflicts, are a rarity in the prosperous and culturally harmonious territory that has an elected parliament and government, but where the British-appointed Governor-General is more than a symbolic figure. The Jewish population, comprising approximately 1,000 Gibraltarians, including around 200 Israeli citizens, faced a dilemma. To mobilize for Israel risked escalating tensions, in particular with the approximately 1,000 Gibraltarians of Arab extraction. To keep silent would project cowardice and concede the fight for public opinion.

At first, the community decided not to launch a counter-demonstration in order to send a “powerful message of unity and peace” from Gibraltar to the world. Its managing board (MBJC) described deep concern about the pro-Hamas rally, which, it stated, had “challenged” Gibraltar’s “defining trait” of setting aside cultural differences to unite for a common purpose. The MBJC stated that “practically every member in the Jewish Community is closely connected to someone in Israel directly affected by the massacre of October 7, whether killed, injured or currently held hostage in Gaza.” It also noted that “we have been confronted with words and chants in Gibraltar that we have never imagined would echo through our streets, chants that suggest the annihilation of the Israeli people and the destruction of their state” and which are not “merely slogans; they are war cries that have, around the world, incited acts of violence and discord.” Still, the MBJC recognized “the potential consequences: a series of demonstrations, however peaceful in intention, can inflame tensions further and contribute to an escalation.”[2]

The initial Jewish decision not to respond to the pro-Hamas demonstration was supported – or, perhaps, encouraged – by the Gibraltarian leadership, including its Governor, Vice Admiral Sir David Steel, and its Chief Minister, Fabian Picardo. Regrettably, an anti-Western terror organization that led a massacre and a democratic state defending itself were seen as two equal sides to a conflict.

The Jewish olive branch was not well received. When two months later, the pro-Hamas activists decided to march again, emphasizing without a shred of self-consciousness that they oppose an ideology and not a religion, members of the Jewish community decided, following some internal debate, to organize a public response, under the banner “bring them home now.” They stated that until the hostages taken by Hamas are released, any talk of peace “lacks legitimacy.”

And so, on May 20, Main Street witnessed an unprecedented sight: several dozen Jews and pro-Israel demonstrators waving Israeli flags in front of several dozen marching anti-Israel protestors whose cynical concern for human rights precludes Israeli Jews.[3]

Contrary to the concerns of some, the dual demonstration did not involve physical attacks or direct verbal assaults. The day not only ended peacefully, it was also the last of its kind. Ever since there have been no pro-Israel or anti-Israel events held in the territory. Posters were hanged by both parties in different locations, and graffiti was painted. Only a few, supporting the Palestinians, are still visible.

In September 2024, we spoke with 11 Gibraltarian and Gibraltar-based Jews about the demonstrations and the broader impact of October 7 on their identity and activism. “Things calmed down because people like it quiet in Gibraltar,” said Dan Hassan, a banker, 11th generation in the territory, who was on his way to take his young son to his Saturday football match with Maccabi Gibraltar.[4]

Moses Benady, a solicitor whose family has lived in Gibraltar for 250 years, explained that the local Jews demonstrated only once because “we didn’t want to bring the problems of the Middle East” to Gibraltar. The counter-demonstration, which focused on the call to release the hostages, was for him a moment of pride: pride that Jews stand quietly in solidarity with the hostages in the face of the shouting and jeering of the pro-Palestinian demonstrators, and pride that some non-Jews joined them, including some encouraged by local Catholic churches. He said that following the start of the war, he was surprised at what he heard about Jews, including from people he thought he knew well. Still, there was not a single antisemitic attack in the territory.[5]

Joshua Lhote, a 42-year-old lawyer, was born in Israel, where he studied in a Yeshiva in his teens. He grew up in France and in Gibraltar, where his parents were envoys of the Jewish Agency. He is the founder of the think tank Understanding Gibraltar. The history of the territory and Jewish thought are his great passions.

A modern Orthodox French-Ashkenazi married to a Sephardic Gibraltarian and a firm critic of Itamar Ben Gvir and the type of Judaism he represents, Lhote said that living in France as a child, he got into fights with Muslims almost on a daily basis because of the kippah on his head. Arriving in Gibraltar as a teenager, “I saw a place where Jews live in peace. I saw Jews who are friends with Christians, friends with Indians.”

Lhote was one of the Gibraltarian Jews who hesitated whether holding a counter-demonstration was the right thing to do. “Because Jews live here in peace, we need to give careful thought to what we do. The way [the counter-demonstration] turned out was good. But it was not good, at first, that some Jews distinguished between us, the Gibraltarians, and them, the Arabs who oppose Israel. The reality is that some Gibraltarians [who are not Arab] oppose Israel, and some Arabs [in Gibraltar] do not support Hamas.” He believes the demonstrations against Israel were led by Gibraltarians of Moroccan extraction who are not confident about their identity and assert it through expressing hate toward the Jewish state.[6]

According to Lhote, Gibraltar should serve as a role model for humanity at large for religious and ethnic coexistence. He believes that it also provides a lesson for Jews about what it takes from them to survive under unfavorable conditions: they need to be essential for the majority society.

Perhaps he makes too much of the singular story of a miniature entity. Yet, for sure, the survival of Jews in Gibraltar was unlikely, and Gibraltar would not have survived without them.

The British Empire is a historical abnormality. It continues to exist after it ceased to exist. King Charles III is today the non-constitutional head of a British Commonwealth that comprises 56 countries, as well as the sovereign of 15 realms, including Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and Jamaica, and 14 Overseas Territories that enjoy varying degrees of self-governance, including the Pitcairn Islands, populated by the descendants of the Mutiny on the Bounty, the Falkland Islands, the theater of the last British imperial war – and Gibraltar.

You need to see this phenomenon of nature, this phenomenon of politics, to believe it is real. A territory with its own government, parliament, flag, national anthem (“May you be forever free, Gibraltar! Gibraltar, my own Land!”), a daily newspaper, and a national football team – yet with just over 34,000 residents who live on a rock that rises above a bay of some 15 kilometers in length separating Europe from Africa, as well as on a narrow stretch of land underneath that rock. Within the rock are massive tunnels dug by the Royal Canadian Engineers during the Second World War and one of the world’s most beautiful stalactite caves. On top of it is a natural colony of dozens of adorable monkeys, who are funny, except when they want your food, or handy. At the bottom is the Jews’ Gate Cemetery, which dates back to 1726 at least and closed in 1848. There is a reason why it was located there, relatively far (although not really far) from mainland Spain.

The rock, strategically important because of its command of the naval movements to and from the Mediterranean, was taken over from Spain by a British-Dutch fleet in 1704 during the War of the Spanish Succession. Following its conquest, several dozen Jewish merchants from Morocco settled in Gibraltar.

In the Treaties of Utrecht (1713), Gibraltar was officially conceded to Britain. The concession was, however, not without conditions. Article X stated in words that could not be clearer that “Her Britannic Majesty, at the request of the Catholic King, does consent and agree, that no leave shall be given, under any pretense whatsoever, either to Jews or Moors, to reside or have their dwellings in the said town of Gibraltar.”[7]

In a lecture he delivered to the Jewish Historical Society of England in 1963, Sir Joshua Hassan – remember that name – explained why and how Article X was repeatedly ignored and a permanent and prosperous settlement of Jews in Gibraltar developed. Because Spain was reluctant to accept the concession of the rock to a Protestant Kingdom from day one, the staying power of the British garrison relied on supplies from Morocco. The Sultan, Isma‘il b. Sharif, fourth in the dynasty that still rules Morocco today and has been known for its good relations with the Jewish minority, was adamant that he would only provide Gibraltar with the goods it desperately needed if the territory remained open to the Jewish and Muslim subjects who settled there after the 1704 conquest.[8]

Consequently, while Britain kept reassuring Spain that it would respect Article X and expel the Jews from Gibraltar, it also kept finding excuses for not doing so. In 1724, the first synagogue was established in the territory – Sha‘ar Hashamayim (The Gate of Heaven). It still exists today. By August 1725, there were 1,113 civilian inhabitants in Gibraltar, including 137 Jews and 113 Brits; the largest groups were Genoese (440) and Spaniards (414).[9]

In 1728, following a Spanish blockade of the territory, Britain issued an eviction order for the Jewish and Muslim residents of Gibraltar; yet seeing that Spain would still not allow the transport of goods from the mainland to the territory and that they remained dependent on Morocco, the order was delayed. A year later, Britain and Morocco signed an agreement that gave Jews and Muslims the right to reside in Gibraltar for a temporary period of no more than 30 days while specifically denying their right to reside on the rock permanently. Once a legal footing, however narrow, for the Jewish presence in the territory was established, their expulsion was off the table. By the time Spain besieged the rock again in 1779 in what came to be known as the Great Siege, already some 1,000 Jews lived in the territory – similar to their number today.[10]

By the mid-19th century, the Jewish population reached its peak, comprising as many as one-third of the territory’s mix of ethnicities, religions, and languages that began to develop their own identity. During the Second World War, Britain managed to maintain its control of the rock, saving its Jews from the hands of the Nazis and their allies. Yet hundreds were evacuated to other countries, along with non-Jewish subjects, to make room for soldiers, and only a minority returned when the war was over.

The Jewish contribution to Gibraltar was not just in economic development. The most influential Gibraltarian public figure in the second half of the 20th century was a Jew. Joshua Hassan’s studies of the history of the Jews on the rock were only a hobby. Born in 1915 in Gibraltar to a Sephardic family and a trained lawyer, he was one of the few Gibraltarians not evacuated from the territory during the Second World War and served as a gunner in the local defense force. In the early 1940s, he entered public life as one of the leaders of The Association for the Advancement of Civil Rights in Gibraltar, a political party that sought greater autonomy for the territory. In 1955, he was elected the first mayor of Gibraltar. In 1964, he was elected its first Chief Minister (the equivalent of prime minister), a role he held with only a three-year break until 1987.

As the dominant Gibraltarian following the breakdown of the Empire, Hassan secured two complementary processes. On the one hand, self-governance in internal affairs, which helped Gibraltar become one of the most prosperous political entities on earth, combining a strong economy that relies on finances, shipping, and tourism (GDP per capita for 2024 was 85,614 pounds). On the other hand, firm rejection of Spanish aspirations to reunite the rock with the mainland.

In a referendum held in September 1967, Gibraltarians were given two options: become Spanish territory or remain a self-governing British territory. The results, following massive displays of British patriotism, were taken from the Assad family guidebooks: 12,138 (99.98%) wanted to remain under Britain, while only 44 desired reunification with Spain.[11] The territory’s first constitution, adopted in 1968, which Hassan took part in drafting, was unequivocal about the right of the small population to determine its future.

Hassan died in 1997. His political legacy has lived on. In a referendum held in November 2022, 98.97% of the participants rejected a proposal by the British government for shared sovereignty with Spain. While Madrid has not given up its demand to terminate the Utrecht treaty, which it claims Britain breached, and while there are concerns in Gibraltar that Britain is tiring of the last remains of its colonial responsibilities, a change of the status of the territory is very unlikely, at least in the next few decades.

Hassan had two daughters. Fleur Hassan-Nahoum, who made Aliyah in 2001, served as deputy mayor of Jerusalem from 2018 to 2023, representing a liberal party, Awakening. Marlene Dinah Esther Hassan-Nahon, a historian and journalist, served in the Gibraltarian parliament from 2015 to 2023 and, in 2018, formed a new social-democratic and socially progressive political party, Together Gibraltar.

Jews and Judaism are very much visually present in Gibraltar, although perhaps less than what some tour guides suggest. Their prosperity is evident in the number of Jews wearing kippahs walking along Main Street and the number of shops that announce their closure on Saturday and Jewish holidays. Saturday is the busiest commercial day, with thousands of tourists flocking Main Street.

With few exceptions, the community is Orthodox. It is predominately Sephardic, although mixed marriages and migration from England and Israel are changing its composition. There are four synagogues, one kosher supermarket, one kosher café, a Jewish preschool and school, a kollel, a mikveh, and the Maccabi Club. The synagogues are secured, but not heavily. Secular Israeli-Jews, some of whom commute daily from Spain, are not part of the community.

Lhote and others told us a few Hebrew words entered the spoken Gibraltarian language, which combines English with some Spanish. For example, ma‘ot (money or coins) is used for cash. “You’ll tell a taxi driver I don’t have ma‘ot with me,” explained Lhote. It is worth mentioning that in Israel, using this word in a taxi is unlikely to take you far.

Lhote believes the community is relatively cohesive and its Jewish identity remained intact because of its shared religiosity. “In the 1970s, you could see a Jewish man married to a non-Jew attending synagogue three times a day. You would never see this in France. Then came a less liberal rabbinic leadership. The sons of mixed marriages, for example, were not permitted to be called up to the reading of the Torah. Perhaps the conservatism helped preserve the community.”[12]

The combination of a somewhat libertarian capitalist economy and a generous welfare society, coupled with a spirit of multiculturalism and the absence of pronounced manifestations of antisemitism, has made Gibraltar attractive for its Jewish population. Still, for some, Israel is a second homeland, and a potential land of promise.

Gabriel Benady, Moses’ son, said that while he avoided publicly campaigning for Israel, “We pray for Israel every day.” He has visited Israel seven or eight times already. This is where he feels he belongs and would like to settle down ultimately.

Lhote said he saw his future in Gibraltar, but that his 16-year-old son is pondering about his ultimate destination. “For me, Gibraltar is a universal role model. For him, it is just a small village. He takes what Gibraltar has to offer for granted, and it offers a lot. He intends to travel to Israel and volunteer for the IDF in two years. It is something he has been talking about for a long time, already before October 7.”[13]

[1] Eyleen Gomez and Brian Reyes, “Around 300 People March for Palestine and Peace,” Gibraltar Chronicle, March 19, 2024, https://www.chronicle.gi/around-300-people-march-for-palestine-and-peace/.

[2] Chronicle Staff, “Gibraltar’s Jewish Community Focuses on ‘Unity and Peace’ after Monday’s Pro-Palestine March,” Gibraltar Chronicle, March 21, 2024, https://www.chronicle.gi/gibraltars-jewish-community-focuses-on-unity-and-peace-after-mondays-pro-palestine-march/.

[3] Gabreilla Peralta, “Dual Demonstrations Spotlight Polarized Views on Gaza, amid Fears of Community Division,” Gibraltar Chronicle, May 20, 2024, https://www.chronicle.gi/dual-demonstrations-spotlight-polarised-viewson-gaza-conflict-amid-fears-of-community-division/.

[4] Interview by the authors with Dan Hassan, September 29, 2024.

[5] Interview by the authors with Joshua Lhote, September 29, 2024.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Sir Joshua Hassan, The Treaty of Utrecht 1713 And the Jews of Gibraltar (London: The Jewish Historical Society of England, 1970; text of a lecture delivered in London on May 15, 1963), 1.

[8] Ibid., 2.

[9] Ibid., 11.

[10] Ibid., 15.

[11] Gareth Stockey, Gibraltar, ‘A Dagger in the Spine of Spain?’ (Brighton and Portland: Sussex Academic Press, 2009), 231, and “From the Archives: Gibraltar Votes to Remain with Britain – 1967,” The Guardian, September 11, 1967, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/sep/11/gibraltar-votes-to-remain-with-britain-archive-1967.

[12] Interview by the authors with Joshua Lhote, September 29, 2024.

[13] Ibid.